中共為什么贏得中國(guó)

.在北京天安門廣場(chǎng)中心的人民英雄紀(jì)念碑的碑身上，刻有這樣一句話：“三年以來(lái)，在人民解放戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)和人民革命中犧牲的人民英雄們永垂不朽！”這三年，訴說(shuō)了中國(guó)人民解放軍在解放戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中百折不撓的壯麗史詩(shī)，鐫刻了中華民族為祖國(guó)和人民奮斗的信仰。為什么中國(guó)共產(chǎn)黨能夠取得人民解放戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的偉大勝利？根源在于：軍隊(duì)打勝仗，人民是靠山。

在這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中，中國(guó)共產(chǎn)黨緊緊依靠人民群眾，獲得了排山倒海的力量，結(jié)束了國(guó)民黨的反動(dòng)統(tǒng)治，建立了嶄新的中華人民共和國(guó)。

1946年戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)爆發(fā)前夕，國(guó)民黨不僅在軍隊(duì)人數(shù)上，還是武器裝備等方面，均有壓倒性的優(yōu)勢(shì)，甚至還有美國(guó)撐腰。

所以，蔣介石滿懷信心地認(rèn)為，共產(chǎn)黨很快會(huì)被殲滅。但是，歷史卻選擇了這個(gè)看似“弱小”的一方。而造成這種反差的原因是什么？蔣介石是如何將一手好牌打得稀爛的？

張學(xué)良曾在晚年的口述歷史中給出了答案，在他看來(lái)，共產(chǎn)黨之所以能發(fā)展壯大，就是因?yàn)楣伯a(chǎn)黨順應(yīng)了民意。

就在國(guó)民黨的軍政高管們忙著斂財(cái)、壓榨人民、黨內(nèi)派系勾心斗角的時(shí)候。共產(chǎn)黨人提出了一個(gè)口號(hào)——“一切可能下鄉(xiāng)的干部要統(tǒng)統(tǒng)到農(nóng)村中去”。

據(jù)軍旅作家王樹增采訪回憶，在淮海戰(zhàn)役打響的時(shí)候，村中一位老人參加了支前大軍，為了把炮彈運(yùn)輸給解放軍，他推著小車，走了三、四百里的路。遇到雨天，他擔(dān)心炮彈受潮打不響，就把自己的衣服脫下來(lái)蓋在炮彈上。

運(yùn)到淮海戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)后，也沒(méi)有急著回老家，而是一定要看著炮彈打出去才放心。那時(shí)，供應(yīng)解放軍前線的物資運(yùn)送，幾乎全靠百姓們肩挑背負(fù)、小車推送。

新中國(guó)成立后，有人問(wèn)淮海戰(zhàn)役指揮者陳毅，這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)役是怎么打贏的，陳毅說(shuō)，是老百姓用小車推出來(lái)的。

由于多年的戰(zhàn)亂，中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)遭受極大破壞，農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)力極度低下，亟待恢復(fù)與重建。為了保障農(nóng)民生存利益，共產(chǎn)黨提出要解決農(nóng)民土地問(wèn)題。

1946年5月4日，中共中央發(fā)布了《五四指示》，宣布改變過(guò)去的減租減息政策，改為將地主占有的土地分配給貧苦的農(nóng)民。

百姓們有了地，就有了糧，就有了維持生存的根本，此時(shí)的他們更加深刻地認(rèn)識(shí)到，只有中國(guó)共產(chǎn)黨才真正心系人民群眾。

后來(lái)，僅1000多萬(wàn)人口的“北滿地區(qū)”，就有40萬(wàn)農(nóng)民自愿加入共產(chǎn)黨領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的軍隊(duì)，這很快改變了東北戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)的力量對(duì)比。

而反觀國(guó)民黨抓壯丁的強(qiáng)制征兵行為，解放軍的士氣自然遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)壓倒敵人，逐漸地，一些國(guó)民黨軍隊(duì)甚至成建制地投誠(chéng)。

土地改革運(yùn)動(dòng)不僅是一場(chǎng)提高國(guó)內(nèi)生產(chǎn)力的經(jīng)濟(jì)運(yùn)動(dòng)，更是一場(chǎng)人民解放運(yùn)動(dòng)，這場(chǎng)運(yùn)動(dòng)也極大提高了中國(guó)共產(chǎn)黨奪取政權(quán)的可能性。

隨著解放戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的節(jié)節(jié)勝利，新的解放區(qū)必須著手建立新政權(quán)。

而在建立新政權(quán)的過(guò)程中，創(chuàng)造于抗日戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)時(shí)期陜甘寧邊區(qū)的“豆選”再一次讓基層群眾實(shí)現(xiàn)了當(dāng)家做主。

美國(guó)記者斯特朗在延安采訪時(shí)，一位勞動(dòng)模范老楊對(duì)她說(shuō)，“新社會(huì)和舊社會(huì)最大的不同是舊社會(huì)沒(méi)有選舉，而在新社會(huì)每個(gè)人都能投票”。

沒(méi)有民主就沒(méi)有社會(huì)主義，只有實(shí)行真民主才能得到真民心。

與國(guó)民黨在抗戰(zhàn)勝利后聚“國(guó)難財(cái)”、爭(zhēng)官銜相比，共產(chǎn)黨人則表現(xiàn)出對(duì)名利的淡泊和事業(yè)的忠誠(chéng)。

1955年，彭德懷、羅榮桓等人聽說(shuō)自己被評(píng)為“大元帥”的消息時(shí)，他們紛紛直言謝絕；劉少奇、周恩來(lái)也紛紛表示不參加評(píng)定軍銜；許光達(dá)作為一名高級(jí)將領(lǐng)甚至提出降銜，后來(lái)考慮各種因素，還是授予其大將軍銜，但在許光達(dá)的一再要求下，給他降低了一級(jí)工資；徐立清曾在解放戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)初期擔(dān)任正兵團(tuán)級(jí)職務(wù)，屬于正兵團(tuán)級(jí)將領(lǐng)，按理授予上將，但是在確定授銜名單時(shí)，他先后給軍委領(lǐng)導(dǎo)寫了十多封信，堅(jiān)決要求降銜。

毛澤東表?yè)P(yáng)說(shuō)：“不簡(jiǎn)單哪，金錢、地位和榮譽(yù)可以看出一個(gè)人的思想和品格，古來(lái)如此！”

在中國(guó)人民革命軍事博物館解放戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的展廳中，“人民的勝利”五個(gè)燙金大字十分醒目。

展廳內(nèi)一座“人民支前”浮雕，刻畫了人民群眾與人民解放軍勠力同心、并肩戰(zhàn)斗的生動(dòng)場(chǎng)景。

歷史可以過(guò)去，但不會(huì)被人遺忘，中國(guó)共產(chǎn)黨的歷史就是一場(chǎng)為人民奮斗、謀幸福的歷史。

正如中共中央總書記習(xí)近平所說(shuō)，有了民心所向、民意所歸、民力所聚，人民軍隊(duì)就能無(wú)往而不勝、無(wú)敵于天下，人民軍隊(duì)必須牢記全心全意為人民服務(wù)的根本宗旨，任何時(shí)候任何情況下都做人民子弟兵。

 

Why did the CPC Win the War of Liberation?

 

On the Monument to the People's Heroes standing at the heart of Tian'anmen Square in Beijing carved a line:

 “Eternal glory to the people's heroes who laid down their lives in the People's War of Liberation and the people's revolution in the three years!”

The three years is a magnificent epic of the unyielding struggle of the Chinese People's Liberation Army (PLA) in the War of Liberation, recording the Chinese nation's commitment to fight for the country and its people.

Why was the Communist Party of China (CPC) able to win such a great victory in the War of Liberation?

Here lies the root: The victory of an army relies on the people.

During this war, with the strong support of the Chinese people, the CPC gained enormous strength, thereby finishing the reactionary rule of the Kuomintang and establishing the People's Republic of China.

In 1946, just before the war, the Kuomintang had overwhelming advantages not only in the number of troops but also in weaponry and other things.It was even backed by the United States.

So Chiang Kai-shek had full confidence that the CPC would soon be eliminated. 

But history chose to stand on this seemingly "weak" side.

What was the reason behind that contrast?

How did Chiang Kai-shek waste the precious window of opportunity?

The oral history told by Zhang Xueliang in his late years gives us the answer.He believed that it is because the CPC conformed to public opinion that it could grow up and thrive.

When the Kuomintang military leaders were busy enriching themselves, squeezing the people and involved in rivalries with different factions of their party,

the CPC proposed a slogan, "All the cadres who may go to the countryside for work should go deep to the rural areas."In the eyes of the PLA, their logistics department was composed of ordinary people。

As Wang Shuzeng, a military writer, recalled in an interview,

when the Huaihai Campaign started, an old villager joined the supporting troops.

He trundled a wheelbarrow for about 100 miles to transport shells to the PLA.

In the rainy days, he would take off his clothes and put them over the shells, in case that they would misfire if getting damped.

Finishing the transport task,he didn't rush to come back home before the shells were fired to enemies.

At that time, the transport of military goods and materials to the frontline largely relied on ordinary people, who carried them on their shoulders or backs and by their carts.

After the founding of New China, when the commander of Huaihai Campaign Chen Yi was questioned how they won this battle,

he said that it was the ordinary people who trundled wheelbarrows to help them win.

Due to years of war, China's economy has been greatly damaged with extremely low agricultural productivity, which needs to be restored and rebuilt. To protect the survival interests of farmers, the CPC proposed to tackle the problem related to farmers' land.

The CPC Central Committee issued "the May Fourth Instructions" on May 4, 1946, declaring that they would change the policy of reducing rents and interest, and distribute the land occupied by landlords to poor farmers.

Once the people had land, they would produce food. That would be the basis for their survival.

And the people further learnt that only the CPC cared for them in the true sense.

Later on, in northeastern China with a population of over 10 million, 400,000farmers volunteered to join the army led by the CPC, which soon changed the power structure of the battlefield there.

The Kuomintang, in contrast, forced young men into conscription. So the morale of the PLA was far higher than the Kuomintang; gradually, some troops of the latter even surrendered in an organized way.

The land reform was not only an economic revolution that boosted national productivity, but also a liberation movement for the Chinese people, thereby enhancing the likelihood for the CPC to seize the ruling power.

As the CPC gained a succession of victories in the War of Liberation, new governments had to be established at the newly liberated areas.

During this process, the "bean ballot" created in the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia border region in the anti-Japanese war enabled the local people to be the true masters of the country again.

When the American reporter Anna Louise Strong was doing interviews in Yan'an, a model worker surnamed Yang told her,

"The biggest difference between the old society and the new one is that there was no election in the old society, but in the new society everyone can vote."

Without democracy, there will be no socialism; only the real democracy can win people's hearts.

While the Kuomintang members were making profits from the disaster and fighting for the ranks after the victory over Japan, the CPC members showed their indifference to wealth and fame, and loyalty to their career.

In 1955, when Peng Dehuai and Luo Ronghuan,among others,heard that they would be awarded the rank of grand marshal, they all politely declined the rank.

Liu Shaoqi and Zhou Enlai also refused to accept any ranks.

As a senior military officer, Xu Guangda even asked for demotion. 

With various factors considered, he was still awarded the rank of senior general.

But his salary was one level lower at his repeated request.

Xu Liqing, once the general at the regiment level when the War of Liberation started,should have been granted the rank of general. But when the Central Military Commission (CMC) was confirming the commission list, he wrote over 10 letters to the CMC leaders and insisted on demotion.

Mao Zedong praised him, "So marvelous! We can tell a person's thoughts and morals from his attitudes towards wealth, status and honor. It's always been so since ancient times."

In the exhibition hall about the War of Liberation in the Military Museum of Chinese People's Revolution, there are five remarkable golden Chinese characters, "人民的勝利," meaning "People's Victory" in English.

A relief called "People Supporting the Frontline" in the hall vividly depicts the scene of the people and the PLA fighting together.

History represents the past, but will not be forgotten. The history of the CPC is a history of fighting for the people and their welfare. 

As Xi Jinping, general secretary of the CPC Central Committee, once said, the people's army will conquer all as long as they strive for the common aspirations of the people and are supported by the people. They must bear in mind their responsibility of serving the people whole heartedly.They are the people's army at all times and under all circumstances.

 

 

《紅星何以照耀中國(guó)》 / 中國(guó)網(wǎng)出品

出品人 / 王曉輝    

總監(jiān)制 / 楊新華    

總策劃 / 蔡曉娟   

執(zhí)行策劃 / 蔣新宇

專家顧問(wèn) / 陳述 中共中央黨校教授    陳中奎 中國(guó)人民解放軍國(guó)防大學(xué)副教授

導(dǎo)演 / 仇俊博    

編導(dǎo) / 申罡  時(shí)暢  郭澤涵  魯波  孔竟?jié)?/strong>

設(shè)計(jì) / 顧榕楠

制作 / 馬躍

翻譯 / 汪瑋  李秀宇

攝影 / 陶世欣  毛歡東

后期 / 于舜源  傅華洋